Putin now faces indirect criticism from hardliners for not being brutal enough in his prosecution of the war. One thing the war has changed is the balance within the pro-Kremlin elite. From 47 percent in December 2021, the proportion fearing a “return to mass repression” dropped to just 8 percent in March 2022. And by 2021, 84 percent of Russians said they would not express opinions about the forthcoming parliamentary election in a public place.
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In the ten years to 2022, the share doing so daily grew from 40 to 74 percent. In the last four years before the Ukraine invasion, the Kremlin was already dismantling Russia’s spin dictatorship in favor of fear. As Putin started tightening screws from 2012, they were pushed to the sidelines, replaced by even more cynical technicians such as Sergei Kirienko. Yet, over time, Putin lost faith in the professionals who had helped construct this sophisticated autocracy. The political opposition is harassed and marginalized — but not banned. In such systems, the regime does not kill or imprison thousands of its political opponents.
She’s the most beautiful filly you’d see in your life,” O’Brien said. “She reminds me of Legally Bay in every way, in the head and the fact she’s very precocious. You see him come to the fore when you lunge him – he’s just got this incredible action.” Now, the war has become a tool to squeeze them out of the country. In the 2010s, the regime adhered to a dual strategy with regard to the latter group; it pressured its most politically active members and tried to co-opt the others.
Even hostility towards the West — which had spiked with the conflict over Crimea in 2014 — was subsiding. Forty-five percent said it was the Internet—whether via social networks, blogs, messenger channels, or news sites. By 2021, only 42 percent of respondents said their main source of information about domestic events was television.
- She’s the most beautiful filly you’d see in your life,” O’Brien said.
- A series of suspicious deaths have been reported within high business circles, possibly suggesting battles — under the cover of war — among security service factions and organised crime over control of rents.
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- Among opposition politicians, the poisonings of Alexei Navalny and Vladimir Kara-Murza occurred before the latest international developments.
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In fact, such autocrats start wars or military conflicts less often than fear dictators. Before the Ukraine invasion, positive feelings towards the US and Europe had been trending up for seven years, outpacing negative attitudes by late 2021. From late 1999, his ratings stayed above 60 percent for more than 20 years. Internationally, spin dictators exploit corruption in the West and in international institutions to coopt allies and accumulate leverage. His first 12 years in power — including the four years of Dmitri Medvedev’s presidency — were spent gradually transforming this into a spin dictatorship. Sister Spannaus was serving on the Relief Society Advisory Council at the time of her call.
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We might not have a complete picture, but based on current reports there does not yet seem to have been a surge in state-ordered political murders. Among opposition politicians, the poisonings of Alexei Navalny and Vladimir Kara-Murza occurred before the latest international developments. A series of suspicious deaths have been reported within high business circles, possibly spinnaus suggesting battles — under the cover of war — among security service factions and organised crime over control of rents. This remains quite different from the situation in many 20th century fear dictatorships, in which thousands — or even millions — of political prisoners languished for years in labor camps. Thousands are quickly detained after any major protest, but most are released with warnings or fines.
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- Although the war has since served as justification for more domestic repression, it was not essential for this.
- Verification can help ensure real people are writing the reviews you read on Trustpilot.
- In the 2010s, the regime adhered to a dual strategy with regard to the latter group; it pressured its most politically active members and tried to co-opt the others.
- Now, the war has become a tool to squeeze them out of the country.
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- In the last four years before the Ukraine invasion, the Kremlin was already dismantling Russia’s spin dictatorship in favor of fear.
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Thus, the war spurred and intensified the trend of recent years—regression towards a classic fear dictatorship. At the same time, surveys show that those who left have above average education and are among the country’s most active consumers, with incomes several times higher than the national average. Since the outbreak of the war, Russia has experienced two waves of emigration. Both lashed out at top generals for ordering a retreat from the city of Lyman in late September.
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But the regime’s sharp turn toward greater repressions in mid 2010–2020s culminating with the war in Ukraine raised the question of the prerequisites for that change. Verification can help ensure real people are writing the reviews you read on Trustpilot. Learn about Trustpilot’s review process. People who write reviews have ownership to edit or delete them at any time, and they’ll be displayed as long as an account is active. Anyone can write a Trustpilot review. Claim your profile to access Trustpilot’s free business tools and connect with customers.
Although the war has since served as justification for more domestic repression, it was not essential for this. The Russian public was ready to rally behind “victories,” but support for an actual war seemed thin in 2021. He heard daily from supporters of a tougher line against political opposition, and much more rarely from those who had doubts — or, at least, felt brave enough to air them. As economic professionals and political operatives were marginalised, Putin was increasingly surrounded by the third key faction within his regime — siloviki.
In both countries, a successful spin dictatorship had trouble dealing with political challenges generated by continued modernisation — in particular, protests organised by a highly educated, cosmopolitan part of the population. The first, immediately after the start of the war, led to the exodus of some 100 to 200 thousand people — there are no fully reliable statistics. It’s not clear whether that reflects a wartime unwillingness to speak frankly or a genuine renewal of trust in the authorities. Between 2017 and late 2021, the share of Russian respondents who feared “a return to mass repression” increased from 21 to 47 percent. With regard to both political prisoners and state killings, there is worrying room for the regime to deteriorate further towards the levels of violence found in many 20th century dictatorships. Police have started targeting not just political activists but a much broader circle of people, aiming to spread fear to all who are tempted to protest.
Between 2015 and December 2021, the number of political prisoners in Russia jumped from 36 to 83, according to the Memorial Human Rights Center. And yet, in other ways Russia since the war seems very much the continuation of Russia in the four years preceding it. As noted, all independent media has been squelched and the Kremlin no longer pretends to tolerate genuine political opposition. A new law threatened those who merely called the “special military operation” a war with 15 years in jail.
